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Texto em inglês
Government
information on the Polish foreign policy in the year 2004, presented at the
session of the Sejm on January 21, 2004 by the Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the Republic of Poland,Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz
Mr. President! Mr. Speaker! Mr. Prime Minister!
Honorable Members!
I have the honor to present to the Honorable
Members the information on the directions and objectives of the Polish
foreign policy in the year 2004. However, let me begin with a brief remark
concerning the last year.
As the Minister of Foreign Affairs, I had the
opportunity to realize how important for the efficient implementation of
the tasks of the Polish foreign policy is a by-partisan consensus regarding
its priorities and the support for the activities of the Government on the
international arena, repeatedly expressed by the Sejm of the Republic of
Poland.
While standing here I would like to thank the
Honorable Members for all the support that the Polish diplomacy was granted
in the year 2003. I hope that we can count on this also during the present
year.
Honorable Members!
There is no doubt that the international security
environment has been undergoing dynamic changes over the recent years. It
is frequently difficult to predict them, and they often have very
far-reaching consequences.
Last year, when we were implementing our foreign
policy, we were striving to combine the dedication to the premises of the
Polish foreign policy which had been adopted by the Government and approved
of by the Honorable Members with the flexibility of reaction to the
challenges stemming from the development of the international situation. We
will continue this approach.
The main factors determining the directions of the
Polish foreign policy in the year 2004 are: the Polish accession to the
European Union, the evolution and tensions in the transatlantic relations,
as well as our political and military commitment to the stabilization of
Iraq.
The threats to the international security
connected to global terrorism and the possibility of proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction are also of considerable importance.
New opportunities are opening before our foreign
policy. They are connected, on the one hand, with our accession to the
European Union, and on the other, with our close relations with the United
States. At the same time we face new strategic choices. We must answer
several fundamental questions: what is our place and role in the changing
Europe and what would we like them to be? What should the transatlantic
relations in the context of global threats look like? What are the tasks of
NATO? What should be the relationship between NATO and the European Union
at present and in the near future? There are even more similar questions.
The active transcending of our political activity
beyond Europe, as reflected by our involvement in Iraq, lends a new
dimension to our policy and forces us to adopt a new perspective when
looking at the issues of global security.
Therefore, we face a need to acknowledge in our
thinking the new circumstances and dynamic development of the international
situation.
Honorable Members!
April 16, 2003 – the day of signing the Accession
Treaty - was the most important date last year in European politics, a date
that will have a permanent place in Polish history textbooks. The
successful outcome of the June accession referendum has confirmed that we
were right in our choice.
When preparing for the assumption of our
membership obligations Poland actively joined in the debate on the future
shape of Europe. The negotiations on the European constitution in the
framework of the Intergovernmental Conference were not easy.
We transparently presented our priorities. They
concerned: the acknowledgement of Christian traditions in the preamble of
the constitution, a group model of presidency, exclusion of defense
solutions that could weaken the role of NATO, the reflection of the full
representation of member states in
the composition of the Commission and the retention of the system of
vote-weighting in the European Council adopted in the Treaty of Nice.
We consistently defended our position. Thanks to a
constructive dialog with our partners it was possible to reach common
position on numerous issues. We failed to reach agreement among others on
the issues of the vote-weighting system in the European Union Council and
the preamble.
I would like to clearly reiterate here, that when
we presented our position on the voting model in the Union, we were not
motivated by narrow, particular interests.
We believe that the European Union can and should
be based on the principles of coherence and solidarity in its activities.
This will allow to take into account the interests of all states,
regardless of their demographic or economic potential. We are confident
that the ongoing process of reflection in European capitals will facilitate
reaching compromise that reflects all views.
Poland wants the Union to be a strong, efficient
and effective structure. In order to achieve this, it needs decision-making
procedures encouraging compromise, instead of forcing decisions.
A certain dose of idealism is also needed, without
which no great international project has even been completed. We need open
and honest talks. Poland is ready to participate in such talks.
Honorable Members!
It will be the primary task of our country as a
new member of the Union to define her position on crucial issues of the
Union’s development. This concerns in particular the future of the Common
Agricultural Policy, structural and cohesion policies, the EU budget for
the years 2007-2013, as well as the Lisbon Strategy and the Initiative for
Growth. The budget discussion - which is just beginning within the European
Union – will be a particularly serious challenge.
Seeking the common good will be the main principle
of the Polish policy in the Union. Our national interest will always be the
departure point to define the Polish position. We will seek to reconcile it
with the European interest. There are no fundamental contradictions between
the Polish national interest and the European interest. However, there are
and there will be divergent positions of member states resulting from
different definitions of their national interests and constraints due to
budget capabilities.
We realize that greater effectiveness and
efficiency of the Union mechanisms requires deeper integration. We are and
will be its proponents.
Poland treats very seriously the discussion on the
future of Europe. We are aware of our rights and the responsibility that we
have been entrusted with. We listen attentively to the voices of our
partners, but at the same time we are capable of presenting our own
position and defending our views like other states of the Union. This might
be the reason why we are not an easy partner in the Union. However, we will
ertainly be an honest and responsible partner. We will be ourselves.
Honorable Members!
Our membership of this structure will determine a
new framework for our bilateral relations with the EU member states.
Priority will be attached to rebuilding the climate of special trust in our
relations with Germany and France, with which we have recently differed on
several issues. Differences of opinion in the European family are nothing
extraordinary, since they stem from understandable differences in
historical experience, geographic location and conditions of development.
Such differences initially divided the member
states, such as France and Germany, on many occasions - for example
regarding the Common Agricultural Policy. The divergences motivated them to
seek compromise, facilitating the elaboration of a common position.
We believe that the Weimar Triangle could become a
mechanism enhancing better understanding of mutual expectations and
contributing to building mutual confidence. The Wrocław Summit of
Poland, Germany and France and the recent consultations of the Foreign Ministers
of the Weimar Triangle in Berlin were promising in this respect.
We wish to maintain the high momentum of political
contacts with France and Germany. We see much room for cooperation on the
issues of Eastern policy, the common foreign as well as defense policy.
Germany is Poland’s leading trade partner, while
France is the main foreign investor in Poland. That is yet another reason
for building enhanced partnership.
Our accession to the Union will determine our
future relations with Germany. It is our joint duty to prevent
Polish-German relations from being burdened with the problems of the past.
The Gdańsk declaration of the two Presidents, issued in October 2003,
is an example of a constructive approach to solving such problems. We would
like to create new initiatives in Polish-German relations, initiatives
conducive to bringing the two societies even closer together.
We also wish to develop close contacts with other
key partners in the European Union.
We perceive good prospects for tight cooperation
between Poland and Great Britain.
We perceive a similarity of positions of the two
countries on the issues of European and international policy, such as the
role and place of NATO and the European security and defense policy in the
European security architecture. We are linked by the willingness to develop
transatlantic relations and the awareness of the role that the enlarged EU
should play to the East of Poland.
Close cooperation between Poland and Spain in the
enlarged EU may find a good basis in the strategic partnership established
during the Intergovernmental Conference, and consolidated through the
process of stabilization and reconstruction of Iraq, as well as the
initiation of the practice of intergovernmental consultations.
In our relations with
Italy, we wish to take advantage of that country’s interest in developing
cooperation within a broadly-conceived Central Europe and in the relations
with Eastern Europe.
In the case of both Spain and Italy, one of the objectives
of our policy will be to improve the trade balance and attract more
investments of these states in Poland.
In the year 2004, we will focus in particular on
contacts with Ireland and the Netherlands, because of their respective
presidencies of the European Council.
Mr. Speaker! Honorable Members!
Poland intends to become actively involved in
shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. It is
our goal to enhance the identity of the Union as a key international player
with a global dimension. We view the common policy in terms of opportunity,
rather than constraint.
It may offer us the possibility of a more
effective impact on the Union’s external activities, particularly in
Eastern Europe. For that to happen, we must be able to submit to our Union
partners accurate and persuasive ideas, and strive to build political
consensus around them.
Our primary objective in the framework of the
Union’s common foreign policy will consist in strengthening and
invigorating the EU cooperation with its neighbors, in particular the
Eastern ones, through the establishment of the Eastern Dimension of the EU
policy.
The relevant proposals that we have put forward
over the last few months have animated the Union debates on the subject. We
will continue our involvement in the work on the EU initiative “Wider
Europe – New Neighborhood”. We will promote clear differentiation of the
neighborhood policy towards the respective partners all through the further
development of this concept.
The Eastern Dimension of the EU policy could
evolve into a mechanism coordinating the manifold forms and instruments of
the Union’s activities. It can also serve as a platform for regional
cooperation in certain areas. We believe that the Union should have a
coherent concept of regional cooperation in Eastern Europe, which would
complement bilateral programs, and – what is most important – consolidate
stability in this area.
Our overal objective as concerns our Eastern
neighbors remains unchanged – supporting democratic and free-market
reforms, building the rule of law, strengthening independence,
rapprochement and integration with Western structures.
Members of the Sejm!
We welcome the development of various forms of
cooperation of the European Union and NATO with Russia. We are confident
that Russia will be persuaded as to the benefits of EU enlargement, also
for itself. One of these benefits will automatically concern the extension
of the provisions of the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation between the
EU and Russia to the new member states. It is very important for Poland to
ensure that our businesses enjoy the same opportunities that the Russian
market offers to their EU counterparts.
We will strive to participate in all forms of the
EU partnership with Russia, including the energy dialog. The good climate
in Polish-Russian bilateral political contacts must be translated into
economic relations, which are still marred by negative trade balance.
We also need progress in solving difficult
problems, including those connected with the historical legacy of our
bilateral relations.
Poland was and will be a spokesman for the
integration of Ukraine with NATO and the European Union. It is obvious that
consolidation of democracy and economic reform in that country will enhance
the response of our partners to Poland’s endorsement of that country.
Kiev’s pro-Western choice should find an unambiguous confirmation in facts.
As an EU member, Poland will campaign for the quickest possible
presentation to Ukraine of its clear European prospects, including the
possibility of membership.
Our policy towards Belarus will be guided by the
objective of consolidating its independence and sovereignty in
international relations, as well as supporting the structures of civic
society. To attain these goals, we will try to make broader use of the
possibilities inherent in the partnership programs of NATO and the European
Union.
Poland’s voice in the framework of the Common
Foreign Policy will not be one-dimensional and limited exclusively to the
Eastern Dimension. We will actively
contribute to shaping the EU policy towards all non-European regions, and
with regard to crucial global issues.
Members of the Sejm!
The logic of European integration makes
cooperation in the framework of security and defense unavoidable. The
Union, as a global actor, must have at its disposal an appropriate set of
instruments, including military ones. Poland will join in all undertakings
and forms of cooperation that will not weaken the North Atlantic Alliance
and duplicate its functions. We intend to join the European Defense Agency
and permanent structural cooperation, after it has been sanctioned by the
Treaty establishing the European Constitution.
Our membership of the European Union has manifold
implications. They concern among others the necessity to adjust the legal
basis of our relations. This is a crucial though hardly spectacular aspect
of our policy. We are currently in the course of the denounciation or
re-negotiation of a total of 149 international agreements subject to
adjustment to the EU requirements, and the accession – through signing of
relevant protocols – to 36 mixed agreements concluded by the European
Communities and their member states.
Our consular services are also facing new tasks.
We will continue our activities aimed at harmonizing Polish visa procedures
with EU requirements, and unifying our consular practices with the EU
standards, through i.a. implementation of the common consular instruction
of the EU. Ongoing monitoring and upgrading of visa procedures applied to
Belarus, Ukraine and Russia will remain a constant task.
Mr. Speaker! Honorable Members!
The Polish-American relations have recently
attained unprecedented stature. One of the reasons for this has been the
Polish position during the Iraqi crisis. This new quality in our relations
has had positive political consequences. It is a source of our enhanced
prestige, also among our European partners. The joint service of the Polish
and American soldiers in Iraq is consolidating our partnership.
In the year 2004 we will undertake measures with
view of maintaining the present level of political cooperation. We hope
that it will be conducive to developing economic cooperation, including the
new phase of American direct investments in Poland, among others thanks to
the implementation of the off-set agreements connected with the purchase of
the F-16 aircraft. Good climate in the Polish-American relations should
also result in the more active presence of the Polish enterprises on the
American market.
We will do out best to facilitate travel of Polish
citizens to the United States. I know that this issue is a matter of
concern for the Members of the Sejm and that it is attracting intense
interest of the Polish public opinion. I would like to take his opportunity
and inform you that we have held talks on his issue for several months, not
only at the working level, but also at the highest political level. We
intend to consistently present our position to our American partners and
jointly seek solutions to problems affecting the Poles who wish to travel
to the that country.
The Iraqi crisis exposed serious divergences
between the USA and some key European states. Differences of opinion in the
transatlantic community are a fact and we do not intend to underestimate
them. Still, they are of secondary importance when one considers the
durable and solid community of values and interests bonding America and
Europe. Therefore, there is no dilemma of having to choose between America
and Europe. However, it is imperative for Poland to contribute to the
consolidation of the transatlantic partnership. It should help us confront
joint challenges and threats of the contemporary world.
This concerns in particular the fight with
terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and organized
crime, settlement of regional crises, promotion of democratic values and
human rights, market economy, addressing problems of globalization. Poland
will support the partner-like dialog and champion positive climate of
transatlantic cooperation. We also have in mind the important place of
Canada in the Atlantic partnership.
Honorable Members!
NATO remains the fundamental platform of
transatlantic cooperation. The North Atlantic Alliance guarantees our
country’s security. The consolidation of its coherence and significance
remains the primary objective of our policy.
Over the recent years NATO has been undergoing the
process of profound transformation. The Organization has taken on a
responsible role in Afghanistan; the NATO Headquarters have also granted
support to the Polish activities in Iraq, where NATO could play an even
more prominent role. NATO is becoming an institution capable of a selective
fulfillment of its tasks even in distant corners of the world. We support
this trend.
We support the concept according to which NATO
must focus its attention on areas where the threats to the Euro-Atlantic
zone originate. It is a blessing of the moment that there is no serious
risk of armed conflict in Europe.
Even though the sources of threat are outside Europe, if they are not
effectively contained, they could directly threaten the countries of our
continent. Hence, it is indispensable to use NATO on the areas beyond
Europe. This consolidates the role of the organization as a valuable
instrument from the point of view of the security interests of its member
states.
The allies, including Poland, should develop their
defense capabilities with a view to fulfilling new tasks. However, this
does not imply forgetting the classic role of NATO as an instrument of
collective defense. This does not also mean forgetting the necessity of a
meticulous monitoring of traditional threats.
We will take part in the implementation of
initiatives designed to raise the military capabilities of the Alliance,
such as the Prague Capabilities Committment, NATO Response Force, the
initiative of defense against weapons of mass destruction. We will monitor
the process of reforms of the NATO command structure and support the idea
of establishing a NATO Allied Forces Training Center in Poland.
The United States has recently announced a review
of the deployment of its troops in Europe. This is justified by the changes
in the international security environment. Poland shares this reasoning. We
are confident that the decisions that are made will be met with full
understanding among our allies and partners. The relevant consultations are
under way.
The enlargement of the Alliance is part of the
construction of its new identity. We are gratified that the present stage
of enlargement is progressing smoothly. The door to NATO should remain
open. We refer here, in particular, to the aspirations of Ukraine. Credit
should be given for the Ukrainian reforms in the area of security and
defense, as well as for its contribution to the stabilization of Iraq. We
expect that this year’s NATO Summit in Istanbul will give a strong impetus
to the further rapprochement between Ukraine and NATO. We also hope that
the pragmatic cooperation between NATO and Russia will be further
developed, enhanced by a change in the perception of NATO by the Russians.
The changing circumstances in which the Alliance
operates, the evolving nature of the threats and expectations, all point to
a need of deeper reflection on security threats and challenges, the role of
NATO in global and Euro-Atlantic security, the tasks of NATO, and
especially the principles of cooperation with the European Union and other
international organizations. Such reflection could result in elaborating a
coherent vision of the Alliance for the next few decades.
It could also serve as a means of rebuilding
confidence in the transatlantic community, strained by disputes over Iraq.
The Istanbul Summit could provide stimulus for such deepened reflection.
Members of the Sejm!
Poland bears significant burden in connection with
her involvement in military operations conducted under the aegis of NATO,
the UN, the European Union and the coalition of states. The Iraqi operation
has priority, though we are not conducting it to the prejudice of other
obligations. Poland will retain her commitment to the so-far NATO
crisis-response operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, and to the
international police operations in South-Eastern Europe.
The hotbeds of conflicts that have existed for
years have not disappeared from the Euro-Atlantic area. They include
Transdniestria, Caucasus and Transcaucasia. We hope for progress in their
resolution. An important instrument in regulating them and preventing new
ones from occuring is the Organization of Security and Cooperation in
Europe. However, its identity requires redefinition in the new European
realities.
Honorable Members!
The year 2004 will bring increased
responsibilities for Poland in the sphere of regional policy. In June we
assume the annual Chairmanship of the Council of Baltic Sea States, in July
- Chairmanship of the Visegrad Group, and November will mark the beginning
of the Polish tenure as the Chairman of the Council of Europe. We will also
be taking part in the work of the so-called “Troika” of the Central
European Initiative.
There appears an urgent need for a deepened
reflection on the role of these organizations in the new European realities
and for a redefinition of their goals and tasks. This applies in particular
to the Visegrad Group, which will become an internal grouping of the
European Union.
We would like to see a consolidation of our
region’s identity in the enlarged Union, and the Visegrad Group – despite
the obvious shortcomings in its cooperation demonstrated yet again late
last year – could play a useful role in this.
Therefore, we are in favor of the concept of
reviving the message of the Group in the new circumstances, based on a
realistic assessment of expectations and possibilities. We attach
considerable importance to working together with the Czech Republic,
Slovakia and Hungary in lobbying for common interests in the Union, and in
developing regional cooperation – particularly in the area of
infrastructure, movement of persons and culture. We would like to see the
principle of open borders implemented within the Group.
Referring to our Central European neighbors, we
should take note of this year’s 10th anniversary of the signing
of the Treaty of Friendship with Lithuania, which will provide an
opportunity to review the principles and the obligations it comprises.
We will treat the Council of Baltic Sea States as
an instrument of economic and social integration with Scandinavian partners
and Baltic states, and of intensified cooperation with Russia, in
particular with the Kaliningrad Region.
We will make use of our Chairmanship of the Council
of Europe to enhance the image of this organization as the creator and
guarantor of unified legal foundations in the field of observance of the
triad of European values - democracy, human rights and rule of law, and
also as an instrument of dialog between cultures and civilizations. We hope
that Poland will be entrusted with the honorable task of organizing the
third Council of Europe Summit in spring 2005.
As a member of the “Troika” of the Central
European Initiative, Poland will cooperate in shaping a new role of the
grouping - also with reference to the EU concept of a Wider Europe. One of
the key challenges for the initiative is to prevent the emergence of
divisions after the enlargement of the European Union. It is of paramount
importance to maintain close ties with the states that will remain outside
the Western structures and to keep alive the prospects of their
integration, in accordance with the provisions of the Riga Initiative
launched by the President of the Republic of Poland.
Poland will support in particular the integration
of Bulgaria and Romania, as well as Croatia with the European Union and
NATO. It will also support the aspirations of the other states of
South-Eastern Europe in this respect. Furthermore, we intend to be actively
involved in the undertakings of the Stability Pact for that region.
Honorable Members!
Over the last several months, world politics has
focused on the Iraqi issue. It has brought home the awareness that
international security is becoming more and more indivisible. Poland lent
her support to the military operation against Saddam Hussein. We did so in
the name of allied solidarity and for moral reasons. The operation was
justified. New facts are constantly emerging, revealing the enormity of the
crimes committed by the former Iraqi regime against his own people. The
removal of the dictator was a blessing for Iraq's neighbors, the region and
the entire international community. Poland has been invited to take part in
the stabilization effort. We were assigned the command of one of the
sectors. This is a clear evidence of trust and appreciation which
strengthened our country’s international standing. The process of
stabilization progresses, though not without complications. It has
unfortunately come at a price of painful sacrifices. Polish blood has also
been spilled for the Iraqi cause. This does not diminish our
determination.
The Polish presence in Iraq has one goal: helping
the Iraqis to assume responsibility for their own future, to build the rule
of law, to establish order and security. We have no other intentions. The
prospects of transferring responsibility to the local authorities have been
set. Poland is highly interested in achieving this goal smoothly. The
success of this process is in the interest of all, including the states
that had harbored reservations or criticism towards the operation in Iraq.
Chaos in Iraq would have extremely adverse impact on the region and the
world.
Honorable Members!
The Iraqi issue makes us aware of the complexity of
challenges facing the international community in its striving for world
security and stability. Today Iraq has also become a battlefield against
international terrorism. Terrorism, though it does not directly threaten
the territory of Poland, strikes at the foundations of civilization and
social order. We will continue our engagement in the anti-terrorist
coalition with full conviction.
Preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction has become another important challenge. Poland commits to the
relevant undertakings in this field, including those in the framework of
the Proliferation Security Initiative, announced by President Bush last
June in Cracow.
In the year 2003 Poland was elected to a two-year
term on the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency
which is the primary forum for international endeavors against
proliferation of nuclear weapons. It has a special role to play in
connection with the situation around Iran’s nuclear program. We also trust
that progress will be achieved – in the framework of the six-party
negotiations – in resolving the crisis connected with the policies of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
Honorable Members!
Membership of the European Union will confront
Poland with new tasks as concerns solving non-European problems. The Union,
as I have already mentioned, is a global political player. Its security
strategy, adopted last December, is based on the assumption that lasting
security of Europe cannot be built without ensuring stability in the
European neighborhood and active engagement in solving global threats.
Numerous hotbeds still exist in various parts of
the world. Poland must be ready to participate in dealing with them.
Unfortunately, Iraq is not an exceptional case. We have participated in
many peace-keeping operations. That is one of our assets in discussions on
global problems held in the framework of the United Nations.
This organization also requires deeper reflection
and systemic adjustment to the realities of the contemporary world. That
conviction was behind our initiative to hold a debate on a New Political
Act for the UN. Despite a lot of skepticism in the first reactions to this
project, the evolution of the international situation has validated our
diagnosis. We are extremely gratified that the UN Secretary General has
been receptive to the idea and has convened a High-Level Panel of Eminent
Personalities. The Panel will analyze the challenges and threats to world
security, and propose conceptual and institutional solutions. We render our
full support to the work of the Panel, which we treat as the first step of
implementing our initiative. This spring a regional seminar with the
participation of the Chairman and members of the Panel will be organized in
Warsaw.
Speaking of world peace, we cannot fail to mention
the role of the Holy Father. His unswerving commitment was the reason why
the Iraqi crisis was not perceived anywhere as a conflict of civilizations
and religions. It is our intention to maintain the priority nature of our
relations with the Holy See, among Poland’s political tasks.
Honorable Members!
The consolidation of peace in the world requires a
more effective approach to the challenges of globalization. We appreciate the
significance of sustainable development, environmental protection, and
social problems on the UN agenda. The Polish representatives in the
Economic and Social Council will be active in responding to these
challenges. Poland will back actions designed to create conditions to
attain the long-term goals of social and economic development, particularly
in the developing countries, and to meet the basic needs of the people
inhabiting them. We will stress the supreme importance of combating poverty
by suppressing its sources and limiting its effects. Likewise, we will
underline in particular the need for recipient states of the aid of
international organizations to comply with the principles of good
governance.
In the fight against poverty, hunger and devastating
epidemics in many regions of the world, we will broader cooperation with
the relevant specialized organizations of the United Nations system. We
will support actions serving the realization of the Millennium development
goals.
The credibility of our actions will be enhanced by
the implementation of the Polish program of official development and
humanitarian aid, adopted by the Council of Ministers in October 2003. The
elaboration of the aid strategy was indispensable, since Poland is
perceived as a potential aid-donor by our non-European partners.
Drawing on the basic program documents of the
Johannesburg Summit, Poland will commit to the activities serving the
implementation of its provisions, both on a national and international
scale.
We will emphasize the importance of the factor of
common values in international relations. We attach particular significance
to the advancement of the idea of the “Community of Democracies”, initiated
in Warsaw in the year 2000.
We will remain active in disseminating and
strengthening the international system of human rights protection. We
believe that human rights violations, unacceptable for fundamental reasons,
additionally jeopardize the stability of international relations and hamper
international economic and social development.
Honorable Members!
Membership of the European Union, influencing
Poland’s new role in the world, will have impact on the development of our
bilateral relations – including economic ones – with the states of Asia,
Africa and Latin America. Undoubtedly, new opportunities for Poland will
open up there. Our long-term priorities will be incorporated in a
comprehensive strategy towards developing countries. This strategy is will
soon be completed.
Our first task is to become actively involved in
the platforms of dialog conducted by the European Union with non-European
states. Accordingly, Poland will commit to the projects connected with the
implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU with
regard to the Barcelona Process and the Euro-Mediterranean Dialog. We will
continue seeking ASEM membership for Poland – concerning the Asia-Europe
dialog, and will participate in the 3rd Summit of the EU, Latin
America and the Caribbean to be held in Mexico.
Our involvement in Iraq has brought with itself a
task of creating a “diplomatic cover”, undertaking initiatives designed to
invigorate our relations with the countries of the Middle East and Central
Asia. Those contacts have exposed a considerable potential for economic cooperation.
It is being gradually tapped. We are grateful to our Arab partners and
other neighbors of Iraq for their understanding of the Polish role in Iraq,
and for all valuable pieces of advice.
The role of the West’s contacts and dialog with
Arab and Muslim states is growing. Poland wishes to contribute to it,
drawing on the traditions of tolerance, respect for diversity and dialog
between civilizations. We will support genuine breakthrough in the
settlement of the Middle East conflict, taking advantage of the
opportunities offered by our membership of the European Union.
Poland’s activity in Asian countries will
focus on the development of political dialog, invigoration of economic
cooperation and improvement of
trade balance with all of our leading partners including China, the
Republic of Korea, India, Japan, Malaysia and Indonesia. We will also
gradually rebuild the position of Poland in sub-Saharan Africa, among
others by taking advantage of the Union infrastructure of cooperation with
that region, including the Cotonou Convention.
We are already making, and we will continue to
make, our own efforts to renew close cooperation with selected, traditional
African partners.
Our most important partners in Latin America will include
Chile, Mexico, Brazil and Argentina.
We have plans for more intense political
contacts - including at the highest
level - with the states of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Honorable Members!
We wish to exploit the benefits of our membership
of the Union to advance our economic interests in third countries. We must
achieve closer integration of our foreign economic policy with other policy
instruments.
This should increase our ability to effectively
support foreign investments in Poland and Polish investments abroad. We
will also be concerned about the level and structure of our trade and the
effectiveness of our undertakings. The time has come to introduce systemic
solutions in order to make the Foreign Ministry and Polish missions abroad
more economy-oriented. The time has come to elaborate an effective formula
of Poland’s economic promotion abroad.
Mr. Speaker! Honorable Members!
International politics has long ceased to be the
exclusive domain of governments. The growing role of non-state and
non-governmental entities poses an ever greater challenge to political
practice and the functioning of international institutions.
We attach considerable importance to the
cooperation with the local government structures which have the best
orientation in the field. This allows them – in cooperation with the MFA -
to effectively implement the outlined tasks, also in the framework of
international cooperation.
The MFA appreciates the role of non-governmental
organizations in public diplomacy, and will continue its cooperation with
them in the framework of the Council for Cooperation with Non-Governmental
Organizations, established in 2002.
The intense activity of the Polish Humanitarian
Action, Caritas, or the Polish Medical Mission in Iraq, for example,
indicates the need to tap the potential of non-governmental organizations
to support Polish foreign policy and build a positive image of our country
in the world.
On January 1, 2004, the executive regulations to
the Law on publicly beneficial activity and volunteers entered into force,
regulating the financial principles of cooperation with these
organizations.
It is a crucial task of diplomacy to promote a
favorable image of Poland abroad. Our international activity has
contributed to an increase of interest in Poland and the acknowledgement of
the potential we are contributing to the European Union and the
transatlantic community. We want the name of Poland to be readily
recognizable around the world. To achieve that, however, we should improve
the coordination of our promotion programs and streamline the
implementation process of sector projects - in such fields as culture or
sports. We should also make better use of science in promoting the country.
Our participation in the “Cultural Olympiad”, to be held simultaneously
with the Summer Olympic Games in Athens, will be an important undertaking.
Diplomacy is not all grand politics. The
fundamental tasks of the Polish foreign service include and will include
the protection of the interests of Polish citizens abroad, close monitoring
of the situation in individual parts of the world and – depending on the
existing threats – undertaking actions to ensure the safety of Poles during
their stay abroad, with particular note to the dangers of terrorist attacks.
In the implementation process of the Government
Program of Cooperation with Polonia and Poles Abroad, particular attention
will be paid to the assessment of the fulfillment by the governments of
countries inhabited by Polish communities of bilateral and multilateral
international agreements affecting the condition of the Poles residing in
those countries.
One of priority directions will remain a
comprehensive development of Polonia education. Another priority, in connection
with Poland’s EU membership, will be to upgrade the assistance of the
consular missions in EU states for Polonia initiatives and undertakings
designed to promote Poland in their countries of residence.
Mr. President! Mr. Speaker! Mr. Prime Minister!
Honorable Members!
Our accession to the European Union
marks the implementation of the last among the strategic objectives of the
Polish foreign policy formulated over 10 years ago. They included:
reconstruction of our sovereignty, normalization of relations with our
neighbors, development of regional cooperation, security guarantees through
integration with NATO, assurance of development and prosperity through
membership of the European Union.
These goals determined the directions of the
foreign policy of every government, ensuring that it transcended party
lines. Today we face the necessity of charting new horizons for our foreign
policy, of solidifying our position in NATO, the European Union and the
international community.
We must define what kind of Europe we want, what
role we should play in it, how the North Atlantic Alliance should evolve,
what identity our region can acquire in the enlarged Europe, and what
profile we should adopt for our engagement beyond Europe. Such a reflection
will help us deal with our immediate political dilemmas.
The decisions we take today can determine the
solutions for years to come. The new challenges are a source of ever more
responsible tasks for our foreign service. There appears an ever-increasing
need for its further development and strengthening, also in the financial
and material aspects.
Members of the Sejm!
I am confident that today’s debate will help build
by-partisan consensus – for the future-oriented Polish foreign policy.
Thank you for your attention.
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